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Do Widened Roads Create Their Own Gridlock?
By Neal R. Peirce
Washington Post Writers Group
"Build it and they will come."
"New roads just trigger more congestion."
"There's no way to build your way out of highway gridlock."
Are the charges of the transportation skeptics right?
Fresh findings on the impact of a major expansion on Interstate 270, a 12-mile stretch
outside of Washington, D.C. suggest so.
In the mid-'80s congestion became close to unbearable on the roadway, which runs
northwesterly from the (in)famous Capital Beltway into prosperous suburban Montgomery
County. So the county applied to the Maryland state government for $200 million to expand
the road up to 12 lanes. The state -- tapping chiefly federal funds -- agreed.
Now, less than eight years after the expansion was completed, the highway is again
reduced to what one official described to the Washington Post as "a rolling parking
lot." The daily auto and truck usage is running as high as 210,000 vehicles a day,
beyond the official capacity of 190,000, in fact more than state highway officials had
projected for 2010.
Welcome to what many transportation experts are now calling "induced
traffic." The math they use is complex, but the theory straightforward: widened
roadways create excess capacity. Drivers anxious to cut their driving times switch from
other roads. Where roads (like I-270) lead to less developed outer suburbs, homebuilders
see opportunity, there's a rush of residents out of the city and older suburbs, and
congestion mounts.
In the five years before I-270 got widened, 1,745 new homes were approved in the 12
miles north of Rockville, the major community on the route. In the following five years,
13,642 were approved.
Other studies bolster the induced traffic thesis. In California, University of
California researchers checked 30 urban counties from 1973 to 1990 and found that every 10
percent increase in new lane-miles generates a 9 percent increase in traffic.
Says David Walters, transportation expert at the University of North
Carolina-Charlotte: "The availability of the transportation acts as a catalyst for
more movement, so that the more roads we build, the more places we can drive, the more we
drive."
The added traffic generated may be relatively small in the short run. But it grows and
grows over the long term as people travel further and further on the new or widened roads
to take advantage of less expensive land.
So government actually pushes sprawling development, siphoning growth and vitality from
existing cities and closer-in suburbs. City and established suburb residents pay most of
the bill. Longer commutes and trips end up generating more congestion, more energy
consumption, more pollution.
But highway departments, anxious to justify road expansions, are rarely willing to feed
induced travel into their calculations. "Engineering driven, developer and road
builder backed, these agencies use an elaborate set of outdated models and design
standards to deliver preordained answers," charges Hank Dittmar, former director of
the Washington-based Surface Transportation Policy Project.
Induced travel has its skeptics. Highways don't cause traffic, they claim; increased
population growth and increased economic activity are the drivers.
But the evidence for the theory isn't just U.S.-generated. Great Britain has been busy
reinventing its basic transportation policy in the wake of a study by an official expert
panel concluding that "induced travel can and does occur."
The British team even found, based on analysis of 60 cases worldwide, that where roads
have actually been closed, or their capacity severely reduced, an average of 20 percent
and as much as 60 percent of the former traffic disappears entirely -- isn't even siphoned
off onto other roads.
Americans might scoff, suggest abandonment of any roads here would be unthinkable. But
after a portion of Manhattan's West Side Highway collapsed in 1973, forcing closure of
most of the route, 53 percent of the prior trips simply disappeared. No one can argue New
York was seriously damaged.
San Francisco's Embarcadero Freeway collapsed in the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake.
Citizens and local officials decided not to rebuild it. Horrific traffic jams were
predicted; they never materialized. Ditto seven years later, when the upper deck of San
Francisco's unstable Central Freeway was torn down. The widely predicted Bay Area gridlock
didn't happen. Nor has Portland ever regretted closing the six-lane Harbor Drive beside
downtown in order to build its handsome Tom McCall Waterfront Park.
Some areas would have a tougher time with highway closures. But at least we need to
ask, much more critically, about each piece of highway construction or expansion: What
will it really achieve? Could we use the money better-- for transit, for example? Or for
subsidizing housing so that moderate-income folks don't feel forced to move to less
expensive, far-out suburbs?
The "induced traffic" research at least gets us closer to an honest debate
about those issues.
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