|
April 26, 1999
Endorsed by the Sierra Club and the National Wildlife Federation
This White Paper outlines a new approach to trade negotiations that would
restore American leadership on trade while helping to build consensus for a trade policy
that supports, rather than undermines, environmental protection. Recent trade disputes
involving sea turtle protection, gasoline additives, clean air standards, and
hormone-treated beef dramatize how much trade rules must change to reflect environmental
principles. With plans underway for the World Trade Organizations Second
Ministerial, this is a good time to consider new approaches to Trade Negotiating Authority
that would address unresolved trade and environment issues.
Indeed, President Clinton has helped to set the stage for environmental
reform of international trade policy. At the 50th Anniversary of the world trading system
last May in Geneva, the President stated:
[I]nternational trade rules must permit sovereign nations to
exercise their rights to set protective standards for health and safety, the environment,
and biodiversity. Nations have a right to pursue those protections, even when they are
stronger than international norms.
To achieve these goals requires a broad, new domestic consensus on trade.
As the President stated in his State of the Union Address:
I think trade has divided us and divided Americans outside this chamber
for too long. Somehow, we have to find a common ground on which business and workers and
environmentalists and farmers and government can stand together.
We offer the following proposal on new Trade Negotiating Authority in
answer to the Presidents call to seek and to find common ground on which we all can
stand.
Restoring the
Constitutional Balance on Trade
To build the consensus on trade that the President seeks requires that
trade negotiations become more inclusive, democratic, and accountable. The new form of
Trade Negotiating Authority that we propose here would bring more voices to the table by
increasing Congress oversight and involvement in trade talks. At the same time, our
approach would preserve the Presidents leadership in negotiations and provide
continued assurances to our trading partners that finished trade agreements will not be
dissected by "special interests." We believe the approach described here
restores the constitutional balance on trade envisaged by the framers when they granted
Congress exclusive authority to "regulate Commerce with foreign nations" and the
President predominance in foreign affairs.
The form of trade negotiating authority is vital to the content of trade
agreements. While it is true that the old fast track procedures provided for frequent
consultations with Congress and could have been amended at any time, in practice the
cumulative effect of fast tracks multiple, self-imposed limitations sharply
constrained the range of views expressed during trade negotiations. Any new grant of
negotiating authority must bring more voices to the table while holding our negotiators
accountable for agreements that promote, rather than undermine, environmental protection
and labor rights.
The concepts articulated here would go far to ensure an environmentally
responsible trade policy.
Authority for Trade
Negotiations
1. Approval of Trade Negotiating Authority. Through simple majority votes
in both Houses, Congress should approve general trade negotiating authority for a
specified time period to negotiate tariff and non-tariff issues. The trade negotiating
authority should set general trade negotiating objectives, including for environmental,
public health, labor, human rights, and other matters. Such objectives should be
established on a par with economic objectives and be prescribed for all future trade
negotiations. They should also guide negotiators on revisions to existing trade
agreements. On-going trade negotiations, including those provided for in the Uruguay Round
agreements, should not be grandfathered, but should require a new and specific grant of
negotiating authority.
2. General Environmental Negotiating Objectives. General environmental and
health trade negotiating objectives covering all trade negotiations should be established
to guide our negotiators. They would provide benchmarks for Congress to measure progress
in amending existing trade rules and in negotiating new trade rules that incorporate
environmental and health protection principles.
Among other possible environmental negotiating objectives, Congress should
mandate that trade and investment agreements:
Sustainability
- promote sustainable development;
- reduce the global risks to human health and the environment caused by trade and
investment liberalization.
Product and Process Standards
uphold the precautionary principle in cases of scientific uncertainty so
that countries may chose to adopt preventive environmental and health standards that might
otherwise interfere with trade;
allow countries to regulate imports from other countries based on the
way a product is produced, provided that standards are set in an open and transparent
manner and are not discriminatory on their face;
change trade rules to ensure that national and sub-national
jurisdictions may chose their own levels of protection;
provide an interpretation of the term "necessary" as applied
to the chosen means of achieving an environmental goal so that it no longer means
"least trade restrictive," an impossibly high standard to meet;
allow the use of trade measures to enforce multilateral environmental
agreements, provided that the trade measures are applied in an open and transparent manner
and are not discriminatory on their face;
ensure that safeguards against expropriation and unfair trade barriers
are not written to allow challenges to normal regulatory activities of governments in the
public interest that have an incidental effect on an investors returns;
provide exceptions to rules barring discrimination against foreign trade
and investment in order to protect the environment, public health, currency stability, and
other measures in the public interest.
Leveling the Playing Field
eliminate subsidies that distort trade and harm the environment, while
preserving subsidies that promote important non-market social values such as environmental
protection;
establish enforceable "readiness" criteria to ensure that
partners in any trade or investment agreement maintain and enforce strong environmental
and public health laws;
establish "readiness" criteria to ensure that the
transnational corporations provide basic procedural guarantees, such as assuring local
communities the right to know about toxic materials used.
Equivalence, Harmonization, Mutual Recognition
require that "harmonization" proceedings are carried out with
the openness and participation guarantees provided in the US Administrative Procedures Act
(APA) and ensure that harmonization of standards is always upward;
require that "equivalence" determinations are conducted with
full public participation and require imports to meet or exceed domestic substantive and
procedural standards;
require that all "mutual recognition agreements" are developed
with full public participation and require imports to meet or exceed domestic substantive
and procedural standards.
Public Participation
require that trade dispute settlement be open, carried out by neutral
decision-makers, and provide opportunity for input by all interested parties;
require that all international standard setting organizations whose
standards are presumptively consistent with WTO rules, such as the International
Organization for Standardization and Codex Alimentarius, adopt transparent public notice
and comment rule-making procedures, balanced advisory panels, and full funding for
participation of civil society and sub-national governments in their deliberations;
require that on-going negotiations in committees of the WTO and other
international trade bodies reflect principles of openness, balance, and accountability by
allowing observation by interested parties, public notice and comment opportunities, and
funding to assure adequate representation by non-governmental organizations and by
developing country representatives; and
ensure that trade and investment agreements preserve the constitutional
balance between different levels of government.
New Congressional Trade
Institutions
3. Congress should establish a new Special Standing Committee on
International Trade (SSC). The SSC should consist of the House and Senate majority and
minority leaders plus the majority and ranking members of each committee whose
jurisdiction is affected by trade agreements. The SSC should be empowered to hold
hearings, and conduct other functions of a regular congressional committee necessary to
fulfill its tasks.
4. Congress should also establish a Congressional Trade Office (CTO), a
new legislative-executive agency modeled on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, to assist the SSC in its deliberations on trade issues.0 To ensure balance and
objectivity in its staffing and work products, the CTOs Board of Directors should
consist of members of the SSC plus representatives of federal agencies, evenly divided
between agencies with an interest in promoting international commerce and those with an
interest in promoting environmental protection, consumer health and safety, and labor
rights.
Review of Existing Trade
Agreements
5. Within five years, the President should submit a report to the SSC on
whether Congress general negotiating objectives have been fulfilled for current
trade and investment agreements. The CTO should conduct public hearings on this report and
make recommendations to the SSC on further action to ensure that the general negotiating
objectives are applied retroactively.
Starting Negotiations
6. Notification. The President should provide Congress with 180 calendar
days notice of intent to start a specific trade negotiation, offering proposed negotiating
objectives.
7. Specific Negotiating Authority. Upon such notification, Congress should
review and amend the Presidents proposed specific trade negotiating objectives, with
special attention to ensuring their consistency with Congress general trade
negotiating objectives. Specific negotiating objectives should be developed jointly by the
House and Senate committees with jurisdiction over the subject matter. For instance, the
House and Senate Agriculture and Commerce Committees should develop negotiating objectives
for food safety rules in collaboration with the Senate Finance and House Ways and Means
Committee. To assist in framing negotiating objectives, the committees of jurisdiction
would conduct public hearings. The CTO would provide recommendations on specific
negotiating objectives after public notice and comment procedures modeled on those of the
APA.
8. Scoping of Potential Environmental, Health, and Legal Impacts. As the
first step toward completing a full-scale Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) of the
proposed trade agreement consistent with the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), the
CTO should submit to Congress an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) setting forth the
potential environmental, health, and legal impacts of the proposed trade agreement. The
EIA should be prepared in consultation with interested members of the public and
interested federal agencies, including the United States Trade Representative (USTR), the
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Council on Environmental Quality and others.
Topics addressed in the EIA should include potential environmental impacts
at home and abroad, the state of environmental law and enforcement in potential trading
partner countries, and the likely impact of new trade and investment rules on
environmental and public health laws. The document should also propose policy
alternatives. House and the Senate Committees of jurisdiction should hold hearings on and
consider the EIA in setting specific trade negotiating objectives. The USTR should be
required to take anticipated environmental impacts into account in negotiations.
9. Authorization to Negotiate. The SSC should authorize a specific trade
negotiation by a simple majority vote. In authorizing the negotiation, it should set forth
specific negotiating objectives and provide a report stating how these objectives should
fulfill Congress general trade negotiating objectives.
Conducting Negotiations
10. The USTR. In conducting trade negotiations, the USTR should be subject
to the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the Administrative Procedures Act, and the National
Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).
11. Public Advisory Committees. Public advisory committees to the USTR
should continue to provide advice on US negotiating positions. However, all public
advisory committees should be subject to FACA so that the committees are balanced among
affected interests and viewpoints. Where environmental or health interests are at stake,
advisory committees should include environmental and consumer representatives.
12. Congressional Participation. Staff of the CTO should represent
congress in all trade negotiations.
13. Public Disclosure, Notice, and Comment. Draft trade agreements should
be publicly disclosed when they are near completion. The CTO should seek public comment on
the draft texts consistent with the APA and make recommendations to the USTR on US
negotiating positions.
Certification
14. Congressional Review. After US negotiators have produced a finished
draft text of the trade agreement, but before the President has signed the agreement, the
President should submit the agreement to Congress, triggering a formal certification and
impact review.
15. Draft Environmental and Legal Impact Statement. The CTO should prepare
a draft Environmental and Legal Impact Statement (EIS) in consultation with the public and
interested federal agencies. The Draft EIS should analyze environmental, health, and legal
impacts of the proposed trade agreement on a sector by sector basis, the cumulative
impacts of the proposed agreement, potential impacts both at home and abroad, and the
state of environmental law and enforcement in trading partner countries. The Draft EIS
should seek to determine whether the environment is better off with or without the
agreement. It should also consider alternatives, including a no action alternative. The
Draft EIS should be subject to judicial review consistent with NEPA. Finally, the Draft
EIS should state whether Congress general and specific environmental negotiating
objectives had been fulfilled.
As part of their general review of the agreement, congressional committees
of jurisdiction should hold hearings on the Draft EIS to determine whether the agreement
met Congress general and specific negotiating objectives and to frame questions to
be answered in a final EIS. The CTO should also hold hearings and accept written
submissions with a view to uncovering new data for and responding to additional questions
in the final EIS.
16. First Congressional Vote. Each committee of jurisdiction should vote
on whether the agreement meets Congress general and specific environmental
negotiating objectives. In a multi-sectoral trade negotiation, Congress should hold
certification votes on a sector by sector basis.
If each committee of jurisdiction votes that the agreement meets
Congress general and specific negotiating objectives, the SSC should prepare a joint
resolution for consideration by the full House and Senate. If any committee of
jurisdiction votes that the agreement did not meet Congress objectives, a two-thirds
majority of the SSC should be required to prepare the bill. The joint resolution would
state, "The Congress of the United States certifies that [NAME OF AGREEMENT] has
fulfilled Congress general and specific negotiating objectives and concurs in the
Presidents intent to conclude this agreement."
A. If Approved. If Congress certifies the agreement by majority vote in
both Houses, the President may sign the agreement, indicating a preliminary intent to seek
ratification. Under the terms of the proposed trade negotiating authority, a
congressionally certified trade agreement would be accorded no-amendments treatment, as
described below, if it is submitted to Congress with implementing legislation.
B. If Denied. If certification is denied, the President would have two
options.
Option 1: the USTR could continue negotiations with a view to addressing
congressional concerns and obtaining congressional certification in the future. Once
negotiations were deemed completed, the President could once more submit the agreement to
Congress for a second certification review. This process could repeat itself until
certification was obtained.
Option 2: The President could submit a non-certified agreement to Congress
under normal legislative procedures.
Congressional Approval
17. No Amendments Vote. By submitting a signed trade agreement to Congress
that has already been certified by joint resolution, the President would trigger expedited
approval procedures. On the Presidents request, implementing legislation should be
prepared by the committees of jurisdiction. Under terms of the new Trade Negotiating
Authority, this legislation would contain a one-sentence statement approving US entry into
the agreement. Amendments to or reservations from the agreement itself would not be
allowed.
18. Final EIS. To assist the committees of jurisdiction in their
deliberations, the CTO would submit a final EIS to Congress when the trade agreement is
submitted. The EIS would identify potential environmental and legal impacts of the trade
agreement, with a view to establishing that the agreement improved the environment. The
EIS should provide a detailed description of the domestic and international laws,
regulations, and standards that could be affected by the agreement.
19. If the President signs a trade agreement that has not been certified
by joint resolution of the Congress, he or she can seek approval of the agreement under
normal congressional rules.
Trade Agreement Implementation
20. Harmonization, Equivalence, and Mutual Recognition. In the
implementing bill, Congress should prescribe a number of procedural and substantive
guarantees for harmonization proceedings, equivalence determinations, and Mutual
Recognition Agreements. First, all substantive requirements of U.S. laws and regulations
should have to be met or exceeded and environmental and public health protections never
reduced. Second, the USTR and other US agencies would be subject to APA requirements for
open meetings, rights of public access to documents, and public notice and comment
procedures, on the record decision-making, and peer or outside review.
21. Verification. The CTO should provide a report to congress every two
years on the environmental impacts, at home and abroad, of all US trade agreements.
Conclusions
The new form of trade negotiating authority proposed here retains many of
the benefits of the old fast-track concept. It would:
- ensure predictable relationships between Congress and the President in the negotiation
and approval of trade agreements; and
- ensure that Congress would not dissect finished trade agreements and frustrate the
expectations of our negotiating partners.
In addition, these recommendations would improve on the fast-track
concept, helping to restore a domestic consensus on international trade. They would:
- ensure that the full range of affected interests have a voice in American trade policy;
- hold trade negotiators accountable to Congress for trade agreements that address the
full range of affected interests;
- increase the leverage of the federal government in trade negotiations vis-a-vis foreign
governments; and
- repair the environmental defects in current trade agreements while ensuring that these
defects are not repeated in future trade agreements.
Up to Top
HOME |
Email Signup |
About Us |
Contact Us |
Terms of Use |
© 2008 Sierra Club
|